Διπλωματική εργασία--Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας, Θεσσαλονίκη, 2020.
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Submitted by ILIA ARONIA (
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AroniaIliaMA2020.pdf: 856693 bytes, checksum: 19fe9a68aa5e75d421b8f20504207b9b (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2020-09-09
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Democratic government is frequently considered the best available form of social organization. A fair and transparent electoral system is supposed to keep democratic regimes stable; personal liberties ensure an equal footing for citizen participation in politics; and a free and robust civil
society keeps the government in check. Moreover, thriving democracies tend to also have high
standards of living, enjoying wealth, security, and education. From this lens, democratization can
be seen as a policy goal for many nations who strive to develop economically and socially. Indeed, Western democracies frequently use their superior bargaining power to encourage democratization in the countries they develop financial and political relationships with. At the same time, democratization has an ambiguous track record. For example, the US has stoked the threat of communism to subvert democratically elected regimes in Latin America in the 20th century, while at the same time advocating for democracy globally. These apparent contradictions between the rhetoric and practice of democratization generates questions about the very definitions of democracy. It becomes important to ask what incentives and constraints shape democratization strategies, how different actors like the US and EU arrive at their democratization policy and when can democratization become a tool of empowerment. The goal of this thesis is to compare US and EU democratization strategies in Latin America. The research question ultimately asks which of the two actors has a more robust democratization strategy towards Latin America and seeks to understand what drives these differences
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license_rdf: 701 bytes, checksum: 42fd4ad1e89814f5e4a476b409eb708c (MD5)
AroniaIliaMA2020.pdf: 856693 bytes, checksum: 19fe9a68aa5e75d421b8f20504207b9b (MD5)
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