The Comparison Between Halaf and Ubaid: A Study of Late Neolithic Society in Mesopotamia During 6000- 5300 BC.

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The Comparison Between Halaf and Ubaid: A Study of Late Neolithic Society in Mesopotamia During 6000- 5300 BC.

Ibrahim Pshtiwan (EL)

born_digital_postgraduate_thesis
Διπλωματική Εργασία (EL)
Postgraduate Thesis (EN)

2023


The Comparison Between Halaf and Ubaid: A Study of Late Neolithic Society in Mesopotamia During 6000- 5300 BC. The Halaf culture emerged in the late seventh millennium BC in the areas surrounding Mosul, the Balikh Valley, and southeastern Turkey. It spread throughout northern Mesopotamia, utilizing diverse natural landscapes and livelihood sources. Halaf communities used cooperation or competition to exploit natural resources and land, leading to the development of a shared culture and complex socio-economic phenomena. They established institutions for mass storage, particularly grain crops, and discovered special ovens to preserve grain. Hunting was a significant source of livelihood for these communities, especially during periods of scarcity. Evidence of goods exchange and social interaction between Halaf societies is abundant, including ceramics exchange, rocks, obsidian, and oysters, which were primarily obtained outside the Halaf borders. The presence of seals in Halaf settlements suggests that seals were related to economic systems or properties, whether individual or communal or related to storage and access to goods. Overall, the Halaf culture shaped the region's socio-economic landscape and the development of its unique culture. Few sites have been excavated, but they show a rapid and diverse pattern of reoccupation, with small communities of less than one hectare, medium settlements of three to five hectares, and occasionally enormous settlements of approximately 20 hectares. Despite climate change, such as the 8.2 ka event, research in the Balikh Valley suggests that the impact of climate change has been minimal. Humans during the Neolithic period appear to have been able to adapt to changes. The evidence suggests that Halaf society was an ordered society, with a large community at the center followed by smaller communities such as villages, single houses, and hamlets. However, some academics argue that Halaf society was more egalitarian than hierarchical, as the organization and social stratification of Neolithic societies are difficult to comprehend. The settlements were temporarily run by the village chief or an elderly person, resulting in an unequal political system. Future excavations at Halaf settlements may provide more insight into this issue. Halaf polychrome pottery offers insights into Halaf society's political, social, and economic aspects, despite variations in decoration motifs. The similarity of motifs and forms across Halaf settlements raises questions about interactions and factors causing the spread of this particular pottery style. The pottery of the Halaf culture is crucial for understanding the social, economic, and artistic customs of prehistoric societies in northern Mesopotamia. The exact reason for the widespread distribution of Halaf pottery over a wide geographical area is unknown, but Davidson believes trade was responsible, Frangipane suggests separation or the establishment of new settlements, and Hole speculates that women were responsible. The variety of motifs may be a result of competition between households, while a symbol of identity exists based on the repetition of specific motifs in various pottery sets. The Halaf pottery served as both a ceremonial and everyday object. The Halaf era saw a significant shift in construction styles, with dwellings of various sizes and types, including tholoi and rectangular houses. Tholoi structures are a hallmark of Halaf culture and were built long before the Halaf. The smaller size of domestic houses suggests outdoor space was used for various activities. Wood or reed was likely used in the construction of houses, but these materials were often destroyed. Differences in buildings may be related to hierarchy, but Frangipane believes their existence may be connected to exploitation and the use of these buildings. The dwellings were built in a haphazard fashion, with spaces between them often used for fireplaces, kilns, and cooking ovens. The buildings were also used for shared storage and large, public residences. Burial customs in Halaf culture involve complex rituals and methods, with most graves buried near or inside buildings. It's unclear whether these structures were graves or ordinary houses with the dead beneath them. Some sites, such as the Burnt village and the Tholos at Yarim Tepe II, may represent social and ritual activities. The Domuztepe Death Pit, where at least 40 individuals were buried, contains animal bones, ceramic objects, figurines, and beads. Researchers suspect endocannibalism, cannibalism, and human and animal sacrifices during human burial. However, the primary purpose of these practices was not to provide meat, as the remains of animal bones revealed that over 11 cattle, 21 sheep or goats, eight pigs, and six dogs were slaughtered. Cannibalism is believed to be due to beliefs and cultic rather than subsistence. The burial of the dead in close proximity to the dwelling was influenced by people's beliefs, who desired the deceased to be physically close to them, comforted by sharing food and drink. Some believe this was a way to worship ancestors or appease the spirits, while others saw the dead as a source of wealth. During the Halaf era, figurines were common, often buried with the dead, reflecting religious beliefs. Human figurines, particularly women, were seen as symbols of fertility or the mother god. Burial customs in Halaf culture were similar, but varied due to factors like death cause, attitude, or personal ideas. Despite the complexity of burials, no evidence of hierarchy or an elite class was found, except in Yarm Tepe I. Future excavations are hopeful for more evidence in this field. The Ubaid culture, which spans over 2,000 kilometers, is believed to have originated in southern Mesopotamia due to the migration of tribes from northern and central Mesopotamia. The Ubaid period, estimated to span nearly three millennia between 6,500 to 3,800 BC, was influenced by factors such as weather changes, agriculture, and animal selection. The Ubaid culture spread to northern Mesopotamia during the Ubaid III and IV millennia, replacing the Halaf culture. Agriculture and livestock were the primary livelihoods for Ubaid society, with increased crops and income leading to the emergence of collection and storage centers, forming core settlements. This led to the formation of states, power, and the elite class. The access to authority is unclear, but large families living in areas with easy access to land and water have been suspected. Authorities' class-controlling temples performed rituals to sanctify their positions of power and protect themselves from unrest. The Ubaid Period marked a shift from village to urban life and social complexity, with the rise of medium and large settlements, temples, and standard religious buildings. This period saw the rise of power and hierarchy, with feasts held in private buildings and coarse ware pottery used for mass eating and drinking. The Neolithic period in northern Mesopotamia and southern Anatolia may have influenced the transition from simple village settlements to complex, hierarchical societies. Some settlements had unusual buildings, suggesting workshops, craftsmen, and trade. Seals were created during the PPNB period and were also in use in Arpachiyah during the Ubaid period. Clay tokens in Abada were discovered and believed to be used commercially to count items. Most Ubaid houses had two narrow parallel rooms, indicating the location of the staircase and second floor. The addition of multiple parts and long-term use indicated long-term residence and inheritance transfer, making the Ubaid community stable and sustainable. Black painted-on buff Ubaid pottery represents a southern Mesopotamian culture. This pottery is widely distributed and was frequently exchanged beyond Mesopotamia's borders. Because of the spread of this culture, researchers have linked it directly or indirectly to the desire of a specific class of society to adopt an external behavior or to assume the emergence of an elite because they believe the emerging class was attempting to imitate foreign goods and demonstrate that they were different from the rest of society. Late Ubaid's pottery changed significantly, with an increase in simple vessels and limited decorations for special occasions and temples. The number of closed vessels also increased. These changes could be related to manufacturing techniques or behavior and social change simultaneously. Ubaid pottery suggests a transition towards a communal identity, with a large number of vessels in un usual buildings indicating an increase in population and the emergence of sustainable communities with long-lived settlements. Funerary customs and burials reveal the social and hierarchical structures of prehistoric societies. The Ubaid period saw an increase in cemeteries and a more uniform burial form, with infants often buried in special containers or locations without grave goods. Various burial practices were used in different locations, including the deceased's burial, their graves, and their grave goods. The presence of red ochre on graves in Eridu suggests a ritual was carried out before burial. In Susa cemetery, unusual artifacts and secondary burials indicate the various social classes of people who lived there. Special figures with long heads, males carrying scepters and females carrying children, also suggest ritual. Head shaping in cemeteries does not seem to have much to do with the person's rank, as there are no grave goods in some places where the person's head has been modified. The presence of large cemeteries in areas like Ur, Eridu, and Susa in the fifth millennium BC indicates stable and long-term occupation settlements. However, there is not enough evidence to pinpoint the social rank in cemeteries, and the existence of an elite or family cemetery is insufficient. Neolithic societies were complex and organized, with the late Neolithic period exhibiting significant differences in various aspects, such as pottery. The Halaf and Ubaid societies had different practices, with painted pottery being more prevalent during the Halaf period, and more emphasis on quantity over quality. Mobility was also a significant aspect of the Halaf civilization, with the community having the ability to choose grazing locations or agriculture or hunting locations. The ruling and administration systems of Neolithic communities are mostly unknown, with some claiming egalitarian societies and others believing they were hierarchical. Evidence is patchy, but it is believed to be an inequitable political structure. The discovery of graves, particularly during the Halaf era, could provide valuable insights into this feature. Burning practices in the Halaf and Ubaid periods were different, with standardized cemeteries during the Ubaid rule and diverse burial methods in many areas. Animal husbandry and agriculture were important in both periods, but the Halaf period relied on rain, indicating differences in environment and climate. The rise of Ubaid in southern Mesopotamia may be related to climate change, but its spread and replacement by the Halaf culture remain largely unknown. Future excavations may provide more information on this aspect (EN)

Αρχαιολογία

Αρχαιολογία (EL)
Archaeology (EN)

English

Βιβλιοθήκη και Κέντρο Πληροφόρησης » Βιβλιοθήκη Φιλοσοφικής Σχολής
Σχολή Φιλοσοφική » Τμήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας » ΠΜΣ Αρχαιολογία της Ελλάδας και της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου: από τα ανάκτορα της Εποχής του Χαλκού έως και τα Ελληνιστικά βασίλεια » Κατεύθυνση Αρχαιολογία της Ελλάδας και της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου: από τα ανάκτορα της Εποχής του Χαλκού έως και τα Ελληνιστικά βασίλεια

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